Correspondents' Correspondence

...Correspondents' Correspondence BRIEF TAKEOUTS OF MORE THAN PERSONAL INTEREST FROM LETTERS AND OTHER COMMUNICATIONS RECEIVED BY THE EDITORS 'Rumanianization' NOVI SAD—It is doubtful that much of the world realizes what is happening in Yugoslavia today Indeed, to the casual Western observer the situation appears reassuring Milovan Djilas and Mihajlo Mihaj-lov are free, economic cooperation with the capitalist nations is growing, tourists are still swimming in the Adriatic Sea, and the government is not on the verge of disintegration or about to capitulate to Moscow The internal suppression, the forceful reintroducuon of "conformity of thought" in all spheres, is generally viewed abroad as an "internal matter"—as a "Rumanian-lzation" of Yugoslavia, without great historical or international consequences The recent sharp turn here toward the reestabhshment of the Party monopoly, however, is in many respects more significant—and more tragic—than the stifling of the "Prague Spring" in 1968 The widespread failure to understand this points up the limitations of the present consciousness of the democratic world its inability to think in global terms or to comprehend that in the modern age no nation's affairs are any longer, and will never again be, merely "internal" The Free World's alarm over the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia five years ago was provoked, alas, not by the crushing of a small Eastern European nation's short period of relative freedom, but by the role the USSR played in it If the democratic countries now re-mam indifferent to the spectacle of the same process occunng in Yugoslavia, it is because they are confident that this state is not returning to the Soviet bloc Were this Spain, say, where similar social changes are taking place and the "old guard" is also making a comeback, such indifference might be somewhat understandable because of the isolated position of the Ibenan Peninsula But Yugoslavia, despite its relative independence, is an organic part of the Communist world Thus to disregard current developments here is to misunderstand the essence of the conflict between the superpowers On the surface, this conflict may appear to be between states and military blocs, at bottom, though, it is really a confrontation between democracy and totalitarianism And the totalitarian powers, unlike the democratic powers, do take this absolute fact into account, notwithstanding the insoluble differences between Moscow and Peking (Compared with the People's Republic, even the Soviet Union seems like a democratic country, the "rapprochement" between China and the United States came about for exclusively tactical reasons) To put the matter in proper perspective, consider the following question Would the Soviet Union prefer to have among the members of the Warsaw Pact a democratic country (the Prague Spring was leading toward such a situation), or a totalitarian nation not under its control, even a pro-Chmese state like Albania (Rumama is gravitating toward such a status...

...The answer is obvious Nothing in Europe worries the powers-that-be in the USSR more than the possibility of the democratization of the Socialist countries That is why Alexander Dubcek was ousted from Prague and Nicolae Ceausescu is allowed to remain in power m Bucharest The West's failure to recognize this has led many Eastern European observers to wonder if the democracies actually favor the continuation of totalitarian monopoly m the Communist countries That monopoly prevents effective industrial, technological and economic development in the Socialist world As a result, even the Soviet Union ends up a provider of raw materials to highly industrialized nations, an importer of the latest technology and an insatiable market for the goods of the capitalist world Indeed, were the Western democracies and the Soviet Union the only nations on earth, the capitalist countries' interest in supporting Communism might be justified, if not ethically, at least economically But the fact is that there also exist three huge contments populated with nations that, from a scientific-industrial standpoint, are termed underdeveloped And while Communist monopoly is the basic obstacle to progress in the countries where it rules, the low level of social consciousness and the striking poverty of the underdeveloped lands drives them, paradoxically, toward Communist totalitarianism and revolution The cause of peace, therefore, ultimately depends on the pace of scientific-technological development especially in Russia and Eastern Europe, where it is presently stymied by the spiritual-political monopoly of the Party Accordingly, if only out of a sense of self-preservation, the West should come to the realization that the suppression of free creativity and the imposition of one-party dogmatism on any people directly jeopardizes the future of all mankind For 20 years, it must be remembered, Yugoslavia was for the entire Soviet bloc an influential example of a Socialist regime that allowed its citizens liberties almost unthinkable m other Communist nations The remtroduction of total Party monopoly here will irrevocably eliminate its influence and the prospects it held out for democratization in Eastern Europe Rumani-anization will do this not only if it is accepted, but even (as is more likely) if it triggers a social outburst ? MIHAJLO MIHAJLOV Chile and China WASHINGTON—The military coup that toppled the government of Chile's Marxist President Salvador Allende Gossens last September was followed by a flurry of fairly predictable diplomatic activity In rapid order, the junta severed or suspended relations with Cuba, the Soviet Union, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, North Korea, and most other Communist countries Havana, in turn, brought charges against Santiago in the UN In October the Chilean and Saudi Arabian representatives to the UN engaged in a shoving match and exchange of insults over the impending execution of Chilean Communist Party Secretary-General Luis Corvalan Demonstrations against the military regime were held in several European cities The North Vietnamese and the North Koreans set aside special days of mourning for the dead Allende The United States, meanwhile, maintained a low profile After denying all accusations of complicity m the coup, the Nixon Administration quietly granted recognition to the junta and lifted its freeze on development loans to Chile What was not expected, however, is the posture assumed by the People's Republic of China, the only Communist government to continue normal diplomatic and commercial relations with Chile's new rulers (The Chinese Embassy, in fact, is supposed to take on the representation of North Korean interests in Santiago) To be sure, Peking went through the motions of denouncing what it termed "an antigovernment rebellious military coup engineered by certain reactionary forces at home and abroad," but the forces "abroad" were not clearly indicated...

...Similarly, China's UN ambassador, Huang Hua, called Allende n martyr in the struggle for national independence and state sovereignty aeamst imperialism, without naming the imperialists And in his letter of condolence to Senora Allende, Premier Chou En-lai merely expressed his profound sympathy" and his conviction that her husband's "loftv aspirations will live on forever " The mildness of China's reaction marked a major departure from its traditional policy of full-scale anti-U S propaganda war in the Hemisphere Until now the Chinese have always exhibited great alacrity in charging the United States with "imperialist aggression" after any Rightist-military coup, such as Brazil's in 1964 They staged mass rallies numbering hundreds of thousands of people to protest US actions in the Bay of Pigs invasion, the Cuban missile crisis and blockade, the Panama Canal Zone riots, and the Dominican Republic intervention Throughout the late 1950s and '60s, the Peking press was vociferous in its "firm support for the just straggles of the Latin American people against US imperialism " China's new restraint apparently reflects its desire to preserve improved relations with the US and Chile, both achieved only recently after many years of careful cultivation Indeed, Chile was the first Latin American country to respond to Peking's overtures, signing a trade agreement as early as 1952 Allende, incidently, played a leading role in developing closer ties between the two nations While Vice President of the Chilean Senate, he spent nearly two months in China as head of a six-member trade delegation In 1959 he was made the Honorary President of the Chile-China Cultural Institute Only one month after his inauguration in November 1970, which was attended by a member of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist party, Allende decided to establish full diplomatic relations with the People's Republic Trade and cultural exchanges were then stepped up in earnest, with Peking making large purchases of copper Last spring the two governments signed a maritime transport agreement, the first of its kind between China and a Latin American country Acrobatic troupes athletic teams and cultural missions have been traveling back and forth on a regular basis In April 1972 the Chilean naval training ship Esmeial-da visited Shanghai When Santiago's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Clodomiro Almeyda Medina (who had traveled to China in 1960), stopped in Peking last January, he was very warmly received In short, the People's Republic had tound a valuable Leftist friend in the Hemisphere And even though the Chilean government is no longer Leftist, Peking obviously wants to continue the friendship That desire could ot course change at any time, but for the present the Chinese seem to be in a most compromising mood —ROBERT L. WOLDEN Gypsies and the EEC BRUSSELS—For centuries Europe's Gypsies have suffered dis-criminaton because of their uncompromisingly independent lifestyle In the Middle Ages, the refusal of this nomadic people from the East to become serfs invited the wrath ot the three pillars of feudal society the church, the state, and the guilds When capitalism arose, the Gypsies continued to remain outside the system, seldom working as wage-earners but surviving on their own terms by providing services as horse-traders, smiths, artisans and musicians The arrival of industrialism accentuated the cultural differences between the wanderers and their neighbors, heightening the old prejudices and leading to episodes of genocide during World War II Now that their traditional sources of income are drying up, Europe's 4 million Gypsies are facing the modern pillars of an increasingly comformist, technological society?big business, trade unions, and government bureaucracies—with the same determination not to surrender their ancient heritage Instead of turning to state agencies or benevolent organizations, they rely on the extended family group for security and welfare For the most part, their income derives from seasonal work and self-employment in their own small businesses A committee ot the Council of Europe reports "In a surprising way, the Gypsies have maintained their way of life and social organization The norms, values and premises which underlie and govern their conduct are clearly distinctive from the general pattern of culture in present European society Their communities are so cohesive—despite their geographical dispeision—that they automatically regard someone with the same name as a relation " In what is probably the first comprehensive description of the Gypsies' plight today, Grattan Puxon, a member of the Comite Internationale Rom and one of the founders of the Gypsy Council of Britain, points out "They lack education and work opportunities and are frequently denied even a place to live The postwar years of neglect and persecution continue to take their toll in their health and lives While individual tragedies sometimes spark a moment ot concern, an unnoticed, all-prevailing neglect blights the life of one generation after another" The largest communities are located in Communist Eastern Europe, but according to Puxon, "the most acute intolerance is suffered by the vulnerable nomadic groups within the member states of the Council of Europe " Under the recently proposed Social Charter of the Common Market Commission, Gypsies would qualify for government assistance along with other underprivileged groups such as migrant workers It is questionable whether they would take advantage of programs offering benefits like housing facilities and job training, though, being so tearful ot losing their cherished independence But there is no apparent reason why the Commission could not meet some of the Gypsies' own proposals, as expressed in resolutions passed by the Council of Europe and subsequently adopted by the World Romani Congress, since they are in harmony with the spint of the Charter and could easily be fulfilled at little cost These proposals call for an end to discrimination, whether in legislation or administrative practice, minor legal changes to insure that nomadic Gypsies have the same rights as the rest of the population to social security provisions and medical care, the construction ot proper caravan sites (with buildings where climatic conditions dictate) near work areas, schools and towns, integration of Gypsy children into European school systems, either through regular attendance or special classes held at caravan sites, and greater opportunities in higher education for adults, "with a view to improving their employment opportunities ' Even such modest concessions, however, may have to be won by political pressure—something the Gypsies don't have In a comparable situation, the demands of the Common Market's 9 million guest workers for better living conditions were ignored for years until they staged large-scale strikes Lacking that kind of clout, the Gypsies' request for reparations from the German government for the half-million of their people who died m Hitler's concentration camps has gone unfulfilled It remains to be seen whether the Gypsies will fare any better in the European Community's new climate of at least vocal generosity toward its deprived minorities ?THOMAS LAND...